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The piers were [. ] sites for Latino and African American queer youth who would prance around F e m i n i s m a n d t h e R e t r e at 33 and practice their vogueing moves and conduct informal competitions and runway shows” (149). Now, “[s]urrounding the walkways are concrete plant holders” (150). The police have driven the prancing and vogueing into deepening privacies, while skating and biking have become the new public pastimes, and the decor has changed. Latino and African American youth have lost “a sense of ownership” (150) of the Christopher Street area.

What goes along with the impossibility of imagining a role for the state or the public is a blockage to thinking any kind of public action in pursuit of universal projects, like justice or human emancipation. ” This absorption of the public into metaphors of privatization or public ineffectualness takes shape against background assumptions that the gendered division of industrial labor constitutes a desired normalcy in public functions, or rather, that what is right and legitimate is a return to the habituation of everyday life that this division of labor in the private sphere implies.

It is not only the absence of the state—also, of any expectation of the state—that is remarkable in scenes where traditionally one might imagine a state or legal role—policing abusive employers or enforcing salary commitments, for example. ” In the film’s Vietnam case study, the conclusion is much the same. The absence of jobs, particularly foreign-factory jobs, is creating the crisis because “[t]oo much time makes evil”; without work, it seems, the only recourse is illicit sex and lots of it.

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